Slovak Minister of Foreign Affairs Juraj Blanár has caused international outrage for his statement about the need to “find some way of cooperation and maybe also of forgiveness” to Russia.

Blanár‘s Ukrainian counterpart Andrii Sybiha responded on his X social media account by posting “Juraj, Russia’s sense of impunity is the root of cause of its crimes. It’s naïve to expect a criminal to stop if their crime is forgiven instead of punished.”

Sybiha added that “Russia will hit your other cheek as well,” and that “those who have lost no one in this war have no right to make such statements.”

Blanár made the statements during a regular Sunday political programme O päť minut 12 hosted by the state broadcaster STVR, where he also said “let’s return to observing international law and let’s look for communication with the Russian Federation as well.”

Blanár also clashed with his opponent in the discussion, legislator Tomáš Valášek of the largest opposition party Progressive Slovakia, who slammed Fico and the Smer party for his earlier statements about neutrality "suiting" Slovakia. 

Blanár’s statements were picked up by Ukrainska Pravda on the very same day and caused a backlash also among international analysts and academics. The statements were also reported on by the Polish English language broadcaster TVP World.

A well-respected Russia and Ukraine analyst and researcher, Andreas Umland, posted on his Facebook social media page that “Perhaps” Slovakia should be handed over to Russia, as a consolation prize. If that is not enough, put Hungary on top!”      

Umland added sarcastically: “we all want peace, after all … And Slovaks as well as Hungarians were close friends with the Russians in 1944-1989.” Both Hungary and the former Czechoslovakia were invaded by Russian armies in 1956 and 1968 respectively, which crushed Hungarian and Czechoslovak liberalising efforts to free the countries from Soviet influence.  

Blanár is seen as a staunch loyalist of the Slovak populist Prime Minister Robert Fico inside his Smer party and Fico’s left-right cabinet. By appointing a party loyalist as Slovakia’s top diplomat, Fico broke away from a long-standing Slovak tradition of having seasoned diplomats at the helm of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2023.

Just months after his appointment, Blanár caused outrage in Slovak diplomacy by holding a meeting with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov, and later he was also criticised by the opposition and liberal media for replacing seasoned diplomats with recent Moscow elite MGIMO graduates.

During his statements last weekend, Fico also said there is no point holding a meeting between himself and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.  

“My meeting with President Zelenskiy makes no sense, because he hates me,” Fico stated during the regular Saturday political programme Sobotné dialógy hosted by the state broadcaster STVR, in response to the planned meeting between Zelenskiy and his Slovak counterpart, Peter Pellegrini.

Fico claimed that Zelenskiy “hated me, because I dared to have my own opinion on the war in Ukraine,” adding that “it is necessary to begin communication on the government level,” and that he could meet his Ukrainian counterpart, Denys Shmyhal, in the autumn.

It would be the fourth meeting between Shmyhal and Fico since the latter made what looked like an improbable comeback to power in the autumn of 2023 after an aggressive campaign on an anti-Ukrainian ticket.

After forming his left-right cabinet, Fico axed state military support for Ukraine, but commercial military exports boomed under his watch, while local analysts point out that Fico’s Smer party enjoys close ties to the private defence sector.

During his January 2024 meeting with Shmyhal, Fico also softened his rhetoric and offered support to Ukraine’s EU bid, as bne IntelliNews reported then.     

During the STVR talk, Fico also reiterated his support for Ukraine’s EU bid, but added that “it is necessary to end the war on their territory as soon as possible,” and that the EU should press for peace in Ukraine like it presses for peace in Gaza.

Fico’s comments also come after he took part in the EU summit in Brussels and where he threatened that Slovakia might not back the 18^th round of sanctions unless it receives energy guarantees. Fico slammed the EU plan to phase out the imports of Russian fossil fuels and mainly, which spiked after he returned to power in Bratislava.  

Fico also praised EC for a constructive approach on his Facebook, stating that “the proposal we are discussing directly mentions Slovakia, which confirms that the Commission is also aware of the possible serious consequences on our country.”   

While in Brussels, Fico also made further comments, saying that Slovakia wants guarantees in connection with the EU plan of phasing out Russian fossil fuel imports. The phase-out plan does not require EU unanimity.

“When we won’t be harmed by this decision, when they guarantee sufficient volume of gas for a good price, when they guarantee transit fees, we pay now, when there are guarantees that in case of losing [the] court case with Gazprom someone will pay for us, then we will be satisfied,” Fico quoted as saying by the Slovak press agency TASR.

Slovakia nearly eradicated Russian gas imports during the winter of 2022-2023, but imports spiked following the return of the Fico-led government in the autumn of 2023.

Slovakia also has very favourable conditions stipulated in its valid contract with Gazprom, which covers transit fees all the way to the Slovak border, as Gazprom gas export conditions resemble those of the Soviet Union to its former satellite states in Central Europe.  

Fico has also used the long-signalled end to Russian gas transit through Ukraine to harden his pro-Kremlin rhetoric and even made unprecedented appearances on the Russian state media, which serve as the Kremlin’s key propaganda channels.

Fico’s cabinet is also under pressure over the rule of law backsliding concerns voiced by the EU leaders and domestic opposition after it pushed ahead with sweeping staff changes in police and public administrations, including cultural institutions, and implemented judicial overhaul and restructured the public broadcaster RTVS into STVR to give the government greater control over it.