ASEAN in 2025: still relevant, but only just

ASEAN in 2025: still relevant, but only just
ASEAN's Big Five — (L to R) Philippine Foreign Secretary Narciso Ramos, Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik, Thai Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman, Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, and Singaporean Foreign Minister S. Rajaratnam. / ASEAN Image Library and Repository - PD
By bno - Taipei Office July 18, 2025

In 2025, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) remains a central pillar of regional diplomacy, economic integration, and security dialogue in the region. Yet despite its long-standing importance, the bloc’s credibility and effectiveness are increasingly under scrutiny. As geopolitical tensions rise and new international groupings gain prominence, the question is being asked more frequently: is ASEAN still relevant?

Founded on August 8 1967, in Bangkok, ASEAN has long prided itself on unity in diversity, guided by the principles of non-interference and consensus-based decision-making. It has delivered real achievements - tariff reduction through the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), visa-free travel for citizens within the bloc, and a central role in hosting security forums such as the East Asia Summit. With a combined population of around 700mn and a GDP exceeding $3.9 trillion in 2025, ASEAN remains a formidable economic and demographic force.

However, just as it welcomes East Timor into the fold, recent developments have exposed the limitations of ASEAN’s model, particularly its much-criticised principle of non-interference. Nowhere is this more glaring than in its response to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar.

Since the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, ASEAN has struggled to present a coherent or effective stance. While it excluded Myanmar’s military representatives from summits, the bloc has failed to enforce its own Five-Point Consensus, agreed in April 2021 to resolve the conflict. The junta has openly defied ASEAN’s calls for dialogue and humanitarian access. Despite multiple high-level meetings and rotating chairs - Indonesia in 2023, Laos in 2024, and Malaysia in 2025 - the situation has only deteriorated, with over 50,000 dead in Myanmar’s civil war and more than 3mn displaced.

This perceived impotence has cost ASEAN credibility, particularly among human rights advocates and civil society organisations, who see the bloc as slow, cautious, and unwilling to challenge rogue behaviour within its own ranks. Malaysia’s foreign minister stated bluntly in July 2025 that “elections in Myanmar are not a priority now,” regardless of claims by junta officials – in the process all but admitting the bloc’s diminishing influence.

Compounding this are the growing number of alternative regional and international frameworks now competing for attention. The Quad (comprising the US, Japan, India and Australia) has expanded its regional initiatives, particularly in the fields of technology, defence, and climate change. Similarly, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), backed by the United States, offers economic cooperation that some ASEAN states now view as more dynamic than ASEAN’s own economic initiatives.

Meanwhile, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) have deepened Beijing’s economic grip on Southeast Asia, often sidelining ASEAN processes in favour of bilateral or multilateral arrangements more aligned with Chinese interests.

Yet ASEAN is not irrelevant – not just yet.

Its sheer scale, institutional depth, and convening power remain unmatched in the region. It still plays a central role in regional diplomacy - hosting dialogues between major powers, including the US, China, India, and Japan. The ASEAN Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum, and the East Asia Summit remain among the few platforms where these countries meet on equal footing.

In 2025, ASEAN has also made strides in digital integration, with the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA) moving towards completion. If finalised, it could boost intra-ASEAN e-commerce and digital trade, potentially adding hundreds of billions to the region’s GDP over the next decade. Environmental cooperation is also expanding, with the ASEAN Climate Resilience Network supporting shared responses to climate threats, particularly among Mekong countries.

For ASEAN to remain relevant and regain lost credibility though, reforms are urgently needed. This may include adopting qualified majority voting in specific areas, strengthening the ASEAN Secretariat’s authority, and creating mechanisms for accountability when member states violate key agreements or norms.

The world is changing fast, and ASEAN cannot afford to cling to traditions that no longer serve its people. If the bloc can modernise while preserving its core values, it will not only remain relevant, it will thrive as a cornerstone of regional peace and prosperity. But if it continues to sit on the fence, others will step in and take its place.

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