The United States and European Union have failed to agree on a successor to Bosnia & Herzegovina's international high representative, exposing differences over the future of the country's postwar political order and the role Washington wants to play in the region, an Atlantic Council commentary said.

Bosnia is preparing for national elections on October 4 and seeks to advance its bid to join the European Union, raising concerns that divisions between Washington and Brussels could weaken their ability to coordinate policy in a country where international oversight remains influential.

The permanent post has been vacant since German diplomat Christian Schmidt stepped down on July 1. The United States and European governments had aimed to appoint a successor by July 14 but have yet to reach agreement, according to the commentary by nonresident senior fellow Amanda Thorpe and project assistant Olivia Olson, of the Atlantic Council's Europe Center.

The authors said the disagreement was not simply about choosing a person but reflected "competing visions for Bosnia and Herzegovina and for the international community's role" in the country.

The Office of the High Representative, established to oversee implementation of the 1995 Dayton peace agreement that ended Bosnia's war, retains extensive powers to impose legislation and remove officials obstructing the peace settlement. Those authorities, known as the Bonn powers, have made the office one of the most powerful international institutions in Bosnia.

The United States and European governments have traditionally worked closely through the Peace Implementation Council, whose steering board is responsible for selecting the high representative. The post has generally gone to a European diplomat, while the principal deputy has often been an American.

But the succession dispute has highlighted a shift in US policy under President Donald Trump's administration, which has sought to reduce the emphasis on international institution-building and put greater weight on economic cooperation.

The administration has declared that the "US-led nation-building era has passed", while US officials have argued that Bosnia's next high representative should have a more limited mandate, according to the Atlantic Council commentary.

The European Union, by contrast, views Bosnia's accession to the bloc as the main framework for political and institutional reform. European officials have argued that the high representative should retain the ability to push reforms needed to bring Bosnia closer to EU membership.

The differences became public after the Peace Implementation Council failed to agree on a candidate in early June. The US embassy in Sarajevo blamed "European indecisiveness" and "the PIC's abdication of its own duty" and said the impasse was "forcing the United States to reconsider our role in the current international presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina."

The council subsequently agreed on June 30 to appoint Louis Crishock, the current principal deputy high representative and a US diplomat, as acting high representative.

Crishock is the second American to serve in an acting capacity but the first to take the position with its full powers, including the authority to impose decisions under the Bonn powers, the commentary said.

Several European and US candidates have been discussed for the permanent position. Washington was reported to have backed Italian diplomat Antonio Zanardi Landi, while several EU countries and Britain were said to favor French diplomat Rene Troccaz, the EU's special envoy for the Western Balkans.

Italian diplomat Maurizio Massari and Danish diplomat Peter Sorensen have also been mentioned as possible candidates.

The dispute follows a broader change in US policy toward Bosnia. Washington lifted sanctions on Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik in October 2025 after years of targeting him over his separatist policies and challenges to state institutions and the authority of the high representative.

The United States cited "constructive actions taken in recent weeks by the National Assembly of Republika Srpska" when announcing the sanctions decision.

European governments have taken a different approach, with Germany and Austria imposing entry bans on Dodik and other Republika Srpska officials, while Britain continues to maintain sanctions on Dodik and Bosnian Serb politician Zeljka Cvijanovic.

The differing approaches are also evident in energy policy. Washington has made the development of the Southern Interconnection gas pipeline a major focus of its engagement in Bosnia. The proposed project would connect Bosnia to US natural gas supplies through a liquefied natural gas terminal in neighbouring Croatia.

The unresolved question of state property could complicate the project. The ownership and control of state assets have remained disputed since the Dayton agreement, with Republika Srpska seeking greater control over property within its territory.

Some regional observers have speculated that Washington wants the next high representative to help resolve the issue, which is also linked to one of the conditions for eventually closing the Office of the High Representative.

The Atlantic Council authors warned that transferring state property solely to Bosnia's two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska, could weaken state-level institutions and undermine the country's cohesion.

The European Union has separately warned that legislation designed specifically to facilitate the gas pipeline must comply with EU accession standards or risk affecting Bosnia's access to the European energy market and EU funding.

For Brussels, the country's EU membership prospects remain the main incentive for reform.

During a recent visit to Sarajevo, EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the "window of opportunity for accession may not be open forever" and called for a European high representative able to help advance Bosnia's integration into the bloc.

Bosnia has already lost €108mn in EU funding and could forfeit another €370mn if it fails to implement reforms, according to the commentary.

Among the outstanding reforms is a restructuring of constitutional arrangements that reserve certain senior positions for members of Bosnia's three main ethnic groups. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2009 that elements of the system were discriminatory.

The disagreement over the high representative therefore comes at a particularly sensitive moment. The office remains an important part of the international framework surrounding Bosnia's elections, while political tensions continue over the balance between state institutions and the country's two autonomous entities.

The Atlantic Council authors said Washington and Brussels "do not need to agree on every instrument", but argued that they would need to reconcile their differing approaches if they were to maintain a coordinated policy toward Bosnia.