Hungary's outgoing prime minister and Fidesz party chairman, Viktor Orban, announced on April 25 that he would return his parliamentary mandate to focus on "revamping the national side". The move ends his 36-year tenure as an MP and results in him losing parliamentary immunity, Nepszava.hu writes.

Investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi wrote that Orban could seek refuge in the United States if the political situation at home becomes "hot under his feet". He also reported, citing unnamed sources, that Orban is preparing to visit the US during the World Cup. He may use the trip to meet his family, his daughter Rachel, and his son-in-law Istvan Tiborcz, who has been involved in many controversial dealings over the years.

Panyi added that the visit may also be aimed at strengthening ties with the US right wing, as Orban could shift his focus on international affairs, that may also including his position in the Patriots for Europe faction.

The 62-year-old veteran leader, who has served in parliament in every cycle since 1990, including 16 years in opposition, said the mandate he won as Fidesz-KDNP list leader is technically a party list seat, which is why he decided to return it.

On election night, Orban assumed responsibility for the party's heavy defeat, but would not resign as party leader, a position he has held continuously since 2003, saying the party needs to renew.

In one of the biggest upsets in Hungary's modern-day history, the Fidesz-KDNP alliance won just 52 seats, taking only 10 of the 106 individual constituencies, while 42 MPs entered via the national list.

In his first interview after the election defeat, Orban signalled that changes would be needed to prepare the party for opposition, and the final list of MPs may be amended; however, lawmakers need to resign voluntarily from their posts to be replaced.

In his video post on April 25, following an extraordinary Fidesz board meeting, he said the faction would undergo radical restructuring. The Fidesz caucus will be led by Gergely Gulyas, the former head of the Prime Minister's Office. Over the weekend, other long-time Fidesz MPs announced they would give up their mandates, likely in an effort to help the party's renewal.

The junior coalition partner of Fidesz has also faced a major shake-up over the weekend with long-standing MPs returning their mandates. Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjen, head of the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP) since 2003 and the junior coalition partner of Fidesz, also offered his resignation as party leader. The party's national board unanimously rejected it in a secret ballot, but Semjen will likely step down after the party's congress.

"The brave street fighter still fails to take responsibility. Viktor Orban has become Fidesz's version of Ferenc Gyurcsany," incoming Prime Minister Peter Magyar reacted to the news in a short comment, referring to Orban describing himself as a street fighter in a meeting with Chuck Norris in Budapest. He also compared the outgoing prime minister to the disgraced former Socialist Party leader, Ferenc Gyurcsany, who resigned in 2009.

"There can be no democratic opposition to a mafia-style leader," he added.

Independent MP Akos Hadhazy welcomed Orban's decision to give up his mandate, saying that without immunity, he could be detained earlier.

The political narrative in Hungary has increasingly focused on calls to hold former Fidesz officials and their associates accountable for alleged corruption, a central campaign theme of Peter Magyar.

There is also a broader public demand to investigate alleged misconduct and prosecute those accused of wrongdoing over the past 16 years, amid media reports describing a  "mafia-style" capture of companies and the misuse of political influence by connected figures.

Since the end of the Orban government, reports have also surfaced of documents being shredded en masse in ministries and on the transfer of assets by individuals linked to Fidesz, reportedly in anticipation of potential legal proceedings.

On April 26, Magyar posted on social media that he had been told the tax authority, NAV, had blocked large transfers linked to figures around propaganda minister Antal Rogan on suspicion of money laundering.

He alleged that tens of billions of forints were being transferred abroad, including to the United Arab Emirates and Uruguay, and called for immediate asset freezes and action against those he described as responsible for large-scale public losses.

NAV would not deny the information but said it cannot comment on ongoing cases.

Political scientists argue that Fidesz faces a major dilemma: whether the renewal of the party can be achieved without Orban, the founder and face of Fidesz since its inception, or whether Orban’s legacy would eventually haunt the party if he stays on.

Peter Tolgyessy, a former liberal MP in the 1990s who has known Orban since the youth liberal party's establishment in 1988, said that his continued presence in Hungarian politics could ultimately benefit Magyar by reinforcing perceptions of Fidesz as a legacy political force tied to the past.

He opined that for Tisza, the outgoing prime minister could serve as the main reference figure of the past as it was the case for Ferenc Gyurcsany for Fidesz. Since 2010, the ruling nationalists used the leftist-liberal politician as a scapegoat for Hungary’s economic woes and over his handling of the 2006 riots following the leaked speech held at a closed caucus meeting. At Balatonoszod, Gyurcsany spoke of the need to carry out major reforms, as the party had "lied in the morning, noon and night" to win the 2006 spring elections. The leaking of the tapes led to the days of riots in Budapest.

Political analyst Szabolcs Dull wrote that the outgoing prime minister aims to retain political influence without engaging in direct debates or confrontations with the new Tisza government, including Magyar, while he had signalled that he intends to remain active behind the scenes.

The party congress, brought forward to June, is expected to confirm Orban as party leader. Critics say that over the years, he weakened potential challengers, leaving no clear successor. Some argue that removing him as party chairman could risk fragmentation, but the alternative also carries risks, as his continued presence may make renewal efforts not credible.

Over the weekend, Magyar announced that Anita Orban, the incoming foreign minister, will serve as deputy PM.

Magyar also announced new cabinet members. David Vitezy will lead the new Transport and Investment Ministry. After Fidesz pulled its candidate from the Budapest mayoral race in June 2024, the ruling party backed Vitezy, who lost by a couple of dozen votes against liberal incumbent Gergely Karacsony after a vote recount. Vitezy, who became head of the Budapest Transport Centre (BKK) in 2010 at the age of 20, had conflicts with Fidesz strongman Janos Lazar, who oversaw transport issues after 2022.

His other nomination also carried symbolic significance, including a gesture towards the visually impaired community. For the first time in Hungary's history, a blind person will take up a ministerial post. Vilmos Katai-Nemeth, a practising lawyer and black-belt Aikido master, will head the Ministry for Social and Family Affairs.

Overstating the threat of war was a key mistake in Fidesz's election campaign, contributing to its defeat, said Endre Hann, head of the Median polling institute, in a podcast. Median was among the few pollsters to correctly forecast a Tisza supermajority and accurately predict the distribution of mandates.

During the campaign, Fidesz politicians dismissed Median's surveys as "fairy tales", while Hann was personally targeted by pro-government media and accused of influencing public opinion with "distorted and misleading" polling data. Some of his critics included leaders of pro-government Nezopont, which predicted a 3-4pp Fidesz victory in the national list right up until the polls closed.

Magyar announced over the weekend that he would travel to Brussels on April 29 to hold informal talks with the European Commission on restoring Hungary's access to European Union funds. On April 17, he said that even before the new government is formed, efforts are underway to map out the conditions under which parliament can legislate within a tight deadline to secure the release of EU funds.