Former prime minister Viktor Orban used his annual address at the Baile Tusnad summer university in Romania to outline Fidesz's strategy after its April election defeat, calling on supporters to organise a broad "national resistance" movement against what he described as the increasingly authoritarian rule of Prime Minister Peter Magyar's Tisza government, HVG writes.

The Băile Tușnad Summer University, held annually in Romania's Hungarian-majority region, has become Viktor Orban's main platform for outlining his broad political visions. It was here that he proclaimed the concept of the "illiberal state" in 2014 and later delivered several controversial speeches, including remarks on "mixed race" and rhetoric echoing elements of the far-right "Great Replacement" theory.

Consequently, analysts closely watched Orban's speech for clues about the direction he would set for Fidesz following the party's crushing defeat in the April elections. While organisers invited several high-profile Tisza politicians, Prime Minister and Tisza Party leader Peter Magyar was notably absent from the guest list.

Ahead of the event, Magyar reposted one of Orban's Facebook posts from last year's summer university alongside the latest opinion poll showing Tisza leading Fidesz by 74% to 19% among decided voters. The image showed Orban wearing a T-shirt emblazoned with the slogan "4/5", accompanied by the caption "2026. April 12”  below, a reference to his expectation last year that Fidesz would secure four-fifths of parliamentary seats in the next election.

Orban argued that it was not the time for self-reflection and that the opposition party must fundamentally rethink its role. Fidesz should operate not only through parliament but also as a wider civic movement supporting organisations and citizens committed to defending freedom.

The new Tisza government moved quickly to consolidate its position through sweeping constitutional amendments and legislative changes, including measures barring Orban from seeking office again and introducing a 12-year term limit for MPs. Orban portrayed these reforms, together with investigations targeting former Fidesz officials, as evidence of a politically motivated campaign aimed at weakening Tisza's rivals rather than governing effectively.

Orban repeatedly drew comparisons between Hungary and Venezuela, describing the country as "Venezuela without oil wealth" and referring to the Tisza government's system as "new-age communism." His broader message was that Hungary is now governed through arbitrary rule.

He apologised for the rise of former Fidesz insider Magyar, describing him as the party's greatest mistake, and his comment that political leaders should undergo psychological evaluations similar to those in the US drew huge applause from the crowd.

The veteran politician suggested that voters had broadly supported his leadership until 2022 and that their verdict concerned only the previous four years. He also argued that the party had been the target of false accusations from its opponents, citing claims ranging from plans to leave the European Union to other domestic controversies.

The former prime minister predicted that the Tisza administration would soon face mounting economic difficulties, arguing that its policies lacked sustainable foundations. He forecast that by the autumn, the government would struggle with high energy prices, shortages and economic pressures, which would expose its lack of governing competence.

When those challenges emerge, he argued, Fidesz's governing experience and crisis management record would again be valuable to voters. Fielding a question, he said the code name for the euro was 'austerity,' suggesting that the new government would have to implement unpopular measures to appease bankers and international investors.

A central message of the speech was Fidesz's need to broaden its activities beyond parliamentary politics and that the party should function as a "service centre" and support network for citizens and civic organisations.

He suggested that Fidesz should remain patient and, in the meantime, function less as a traditional political party and more as a "service centre," "incubator," and "nursery" for future political talent.

While the Fidesz faction should continue presenting alternatives in Parliament, he said his priority is to build a broad coalition of "freedom-loving" Hungarians. This was one reason he had chosen not to take up his parliamentary seat after the election, he added.

Orban acknowledged that Fidesz performed poorly among voters under 40, while retaining majority support among older voters. Convincing younger Hungarians to reject what he called Tisza's authoritarian system and return to Fidesz, he said, represented a "historic task" for the party.

On foreign policy, Orban criticised the Magyar government's decision to abandon Hungary's previous policy of neutrality in the war in Ukraine and to align more closely with the European Union's pro-Ukraine stance.  He warned that this shift increased Hungary's security risks by making it part of what he described as a European "war coalition".

He also renewed his long-standing criticism of the EU, calling for the European Commission's powers to be significantly reduced, and warned that the bloc could fail to survive in its current institutional form unless it undergoes fundamental reforms. While insisting that Hungary's future remains inside the EU, he said the union's long-term viability depends on its ability to reform itself.

Throughout the speech, Orban sought to reassure Fidesz supporters that the party remained capable of returning to power despite its first electoral defeat in 16 years. He argued that growing public dissatisfaction with the government's performance would eventually shift the political balance back in Fidesz's favour and urged supporters to remain united while preparing for a prolonged period in opposition.

Analyst says Orban avoided directly addressing Fidesz's electoral defeat and offered no clear strategy for the party, which is on the brink of disintegration.

Political analyst Andrea Virag, strategy director at the Republikon Institute, said Orban failed to offer supporters and the party leadership a credible roadmap. 

Speaking to political weekly HVG, Virag argued that Orban repeated the same political narratives that had already failed to resonate with voters before the election. Rather than reflecting on the reasons behind Fidesz's loss, he framed the party as leading a resistance movement against what he described as the increasingly authoritarian rule of Peter Magyar.

Virag argued that Orban's comparison of Hungary's current political situation to Venezuela was too vague to resonate with most voters. While she said some of the new government's constitutional and institutional reforms could warrant legitimate political debate, she maintained that Fidesz has little credibility in accusing its successor of eroding democracy after spending 16 years in power and building an illiberal state.

The analyst also questioned Orban's claim that Tisza had created an "alternative reality" that had misled voters. She said the former prime minister continued to overestimate Fidesz's support and ignored the fact that the electoral system, which led to the party's severe defeat even after winning 40% of the vote, had been designed under his own government.

Virag was particularly critical of Orban's comments on younger voters. In his speech, the former prime minister argued that many young people were misled and would eventually return to Fidesz when things started to go wrong. She said this reflected a longstanding failure to understand younger generations, arguing that Orban portrays them as easily manipulated instead of recognising that many of them became engaged during the campaign and backed a radical political change.

The dismissive rhetoric of Fidesz has further alienated the demographic. Even if some young voters lose faith in Tisza, they are unlikely to return to Fidesz unless the party fundamentally changes its approach, she argued.

More broadly, Virag said Orban's address appeared to be aimed primarily at reassuring the party's core supporters rather than presenting a renewed political vision. The speech focused on maintaining unity within Fidesz, defending its past record, and portraying the party as the main force resisting the new government, but offered few concrete proposals for rebuilding its support or challenging Tisza over the remainder of the parliamentary term.

The lack of a clear strategy and the absence of practical guidance suggest that Fidesz has yet to draw up a coherent plan for its life in opposition after more than a decade and a half in government, she added.

"It is pointless to deal with a hopeless, failed mafia boss," Prime Minister Peter Magyar posted on Facebook in response to the speech. "Thank you for the wisdom and trust, Hungary!" the prime minister wrote.