An indictment on irregularities at the 38th general congress of Turkey’s main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) has been submitted to the High Criminal Court by the 28th Penal Court of First Instance in Ankara, government-run news service Anadolu Agency has reported.

Let’s get straight into a disclaimer before diving into the legal processes concerned: The indictments and court cases under discussion have nothing to do with the law. This commentary simply aims to discuss whether the court processes under way are signalling whether or not Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is set to seize the CHP.

On June 3, the 28th Penal Court accepted the indictment filed by the Ankara chief public prosecutor’s office. The High Criminal Court is to now decide whether suspects referred to in the indictment have committed bribery.

The indictment

Twelve people, including Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu (who served as the congress council chair), Izmir mayor Cemil Tugay, CHP Istanbul chair Ozgur Celik, Baki Aydoner, Erkan Aydin, Huseyin Yasar, Mehmet Kilincaslan, Metin Guzelkaya, Ozgen Nama, Ozgur Celik, Riza Akpolat and Serhat Can Es are accused of vote-rigging.

CHP chair Ozgur Ozel and eight more MPs are not included in the indictment since they have legal immunity. To allow trials of lawmakers, parliament must clear the way with a vote.

Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the ex-chair of the CHP who was succeeded by Ozel, and Lutfu Savas, ex-mayor of Hatay province, are complainants in the indictment.

Party to be seized?

The court process detailed above is not the only court move in relation to the congress.

The presented case hinges on a criminal suit targeting individuals accused of committing a crime. Separately, the 42nd Civil Court of First Instance has been conducting a trial for the annulment of the congress. This case is based on the statement filed by Savas and three other delegates.

On May 26, the 42nd Civil Court held the second hearing. The third hearing is scheduled for June 30.

It is thought that the court will not issue a final ruling on June 30 and a further hearing will be held after the summer break.

Thus, the court keeps open the possibility of a seizure of the CHP that could be executed in the autumn (around November). A seizure would mean Kilicdaroglu being reinstated as the CHP chair.

Tensions in the CHP

Imamoglu’s media proxies have been pressing Kilicdaroglu to openly declare that he would not assume the post in the event of a court ruling providing him with the option. However, Kilicdaroglu is avoiding such an open declaration.

This stance is creating tensions within the CHP and creating tensions within the CHP is the main goal of the court processes in question.

Two years of limbo?

On June 3, Alican Uludag (@alicanuludag), an Ankara-based courthouse journalist who has been closely following the cases in question, wrote on X that the civil court is now supposed to wait for the ruling of the penal court.

Therefore the decision on the annulment of the congress will await the end of the trial at the criminal court. Uludag expects that the trial process at the criminal court (a local court ruling, appeals court ruling and final supreme court ruling) will last at least two years.

So, that would mean no seizure of the party in the next two years.

June 30 remains a critical juncture for the course of the civil court trial. At that hearing or prior to that hearing, the court will issue its ruling on whether or not to continue the trial or await the penal court outcome.

What is this all about?

At the CHP congress, held in November 2023, Ozgur Ozel won the leadership election, dislodging his rival Kilicdaroglu.

Following the congress, Kilicdaroglu circulated claims that Istanbul mayor Imamoglu bribed delegates to vote for Ozel.

In March this year, Savas filed the lawsuit for the annulment of the congress, making similar allegations. The two separate indictments are both based on Savas’ statement.

Who is Lutfu Savas?

In the 2009 local elections, Savas was the candidate of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Antakya, the main central district in Hatay province. He served as the AKP mayor of Antakya to 2014.

In 2014, he joined the CHP and served as mayor of Hatay Metropolitan Municipality to 2024.

In February 2023, catastrophic earthquakes destroyed Hatay. Savas, it turned out, provided the construction and building permits for most of the buildings that collapsed.

In the March 2024 local elections, Ozel nominated Savas as the CHP candidate for Hatay despite a fuss made by CHP voters. Savas lost the elections to the AKP candidate.

In October 2024, Savas accused the CHP management of partnering with the pro-Kurdish DEM Party.

In December 2024, the CHP annulled Savas’ party membership. Savas’ lawsuit came three months later.

There was comedy value created by the coalition announcing in February that the ruling Erdogan regime and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) were collaborating.

So, what now?

The congress cases are not the only court cases that are targeting the CHP. There are dozens of different court cases targeting CHP officials. They serve as swords of Damocles hanging over their heads.

At any time, Erdogan is able to seize the opposition party or dismiss or jail an official. Last month, Ozgur Ozel was also physically attacked. His predecessor Kilicdaroglu was also assaulted.

Everyone should know to stay smart with their footwork while playing in the field provided for the controlled opposition. They can any time share the destiny of Imamoglu and others thrown in jail.

In response to this reality, the CHP opts to act as if everything is normal. Turks lose their temper over the so-called main opposition’s insistence on this attitude.

Why does the CHP serve as the opponent’s chimpanzee in this circus?

The CHP, it should be realised, is a multi-billion dollar economy. In 2025, the CHP received Turkish lira (TRY) 1.4bn ($36mn) via its Treasury grant alone. It has many assets, such as valuable real estate.

Additionally, the CHP holds municipalities that have multi-billion dollar local government budgets, while CHP MPs, mayors, officials on the boards of public institutions and many others receive salaries from the state.

Rejecting the role of whipping boy in this theatre would mean rejecting billions of dollars. The CHP cadres would rebel and overthrow the party management if such a move was on the cards.

Providing apparent legitimacy

Every ruling regime desires an opposition party that it can keep in line, for to the unenlightened observer such an opposition provides the regime with the required legitimacy.

CHP approvals of election results are particularly critical to Turkey’s regime.

The CHP, indeed, has never been shy when it comes to legitimising the election results announced by Erdogan and his henchmen. However, Imamoglu spoiled the game in the 2019 local elections by twice defeating Erdogan’s candidate, rejecting attempts to snatch away his victories in the process. As we know, he eventually ended up in jail.

Final bet: no party seizure in the foreseeable future

This theatre remains on the stage. A seizure of the CHP or, in other words, the replacement of the current CHP management, is not something that can be envisaged for the near future.

There’s a good boy. Regime happy with Ozel

Following the detention of Imamoglu on March 19, the regime became afraid of the consequent street protests. Ozel solved the problem. He held huge rallies that, however, in the final analysis, can be seen as having been controlled. They did not cross the line. And, helpfully to the powers that be, they provided images for the international media that suggested that there is actually an opposition with some heft in Turkey.

After he was physically assaulted, Ozel said that he would respond to the intimidation by holding more big rallies. His statement could be taken to suggest that the regime attacked him because it was afraid of more such rallies and saw Ozel as rebelling against the regime. Or it could suggest something else—that Ozel knows the confines and limits of his playing field and promises to stay within them.

No spanner in Kurdish policy

The assault against Ozel was executed at the funeral of a DEM Party official. Since then, Ozel has not pushed to stop Kurdish collaboration with the regime, evident since the PKK started working with the ruling coalition.

Curiously, the assault on Kilicdaroglu took place at an event related to the “Kurdish question”. It was the funeral of a Turkish official murdered by the PKK.

At that time, the regime was pointing to a claimed alliance between the CHP and the PKK (as mentioned above by Lutfu Savas).

Now, things are vice versa.

In both cases, the idea is that the Kurds and the “anti-Kurds” should not support the CHP. The regime occasionally acquires the support of one side, while keeping the other side away from the CHP.

Once more, the problem solver

When the CHP joined the consumer boycott of companies seen as Erdoganist, launched by protesters demanding the release of Imamoglu, the regime had a moment of panic. Ozel also solved this problem. The CHP only joined the boycott for a single day. The single day passed, and the boycott was left to fizzle out.

Erdogan was never abashed in voicing his happiness with Ozel’s predecessor Kilicdaroglu. And prior to the 38th CHP party congress, both Erdogan and junior ally in the ruling coalition Devlet Bahceli, head of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), openly said that they would prefer Kilicdaroglu, but if someone was to replace him, they would prefer that it be Ozel.

Bahceli calls Ozel “TipiTip”, a cartoon character developed for a chewing gum brand.