The Hungarian government submitted the 17th amendment to Hungary's Fundamental Law to parliament on July 4, which will effectively terminate President Tamas Sulyok's mandate. The proposal, drawing sharp criticisms from the opposition Fidesz and from Sulyok himself, also includes sweeping institutional changes, such as the restoration of the Constitutional Court's powers, the abolition of the Fiscal Council's veto right and the creation of a National Asset Recovery and Protection Office
The 17th amendment is the first step in a broader constitutional overhaul planned for the autumn parliamentary session, with the government promising a new constitution, involving the public, aimed at ending the era of closed-door political deals, local media reported.
Prime Minister Peter Magyar argued that the changes aim to "restart the state" and dismantle entrenched political and economic networks, which he described as a "mafia system" and that adopting a new constitution involving public consultations could fulfil a key but unfulfilled promise of the transition, Index.hu reported.
Unveiling details of the proposal in an eight-minute-long video, Magyar argued that the main reason for removing the head of state is that Sulyok, who followed Katalin Novak to the post after her resignation in February 2024, played an active role in a system that dismantled the rule of law.
After the stunning landslide election victory of his Tisza Party, which ended 16 years of Viktor Orban's rule in April, Magyar repeatedly called on Sulyok and other senior officials appointed under the previous cabinet to step down by May 31. He warned that if they refused, the government would pursue a constitutional amendment to remove them early, sparking criticism from some NGOs and Fidesz.
Sulyok vowed to use all legal means to prevent his removal and, in a last-ditch effort, sought to challenge the move through the Constitutional Court, which he headed from 2016 to 2024. The process stalled after seven of the fifteen judges recused themselves due to potential conflicts of interest, meaning the case could not proceed, a major setback for the 70-year-old.
Sulyok even turned to the Venice Commission to request a formal assessment of the legal situation; the advisory body of the Council of Europe was earlier dubbed by Fidesz a Soros-financed institution.
In his reaction to the constitutional proposal, Sulyok described the government's latest proposal as incompatible with the rule of law. The amendment addresses his removal in just one sentence and targets the current officeholder rather than the presidency itself, which could only be seen as tailor-made legislation.
Fidesz was more blunt in its criticism, calling the proposal "the end of constitutional democracy and the beginning of authoritarian rule". Fidesz faction leader Gergely Gulyas argued Sulyok would be removed "on political considerations" while the Constitutional Court would be "beheaded", and "democratic election curbed" with over half of the current opposition deputies becoming ineligible for re-election.
Orban also released a similar statement on social media, claiming the Tisza government was moving Hungary towards autocracy.
The draft constitutional legislation also introduces major changes to parliamentary operations, including a 12-year (three-term) limit on MPs, and reforms that restrict the powers and terms of top judicial and constitutional officeholders.
The mandate of Constitutional Court judges would be reduced from 12 to nine years, while the heads of the Curia and the National Judicial Office would serve six-year terms instead of nine, without the possibility of reappointment. It also introduces a 70-year age limit and recall mechanisms for judges; hence, Constitutional Court member, former chief prosecutor Peter Polt, will have to leave office. Polt is widely accused of sabotaging investigations against business circles close to Fidesz in various corruption charges.
The legislation also establishes a National Asset Recovery and Protection Authority, tasked with reclaiming state assets allegedly diverted under the previous system to cronies. The establishment of the body was a key election promise of the Tisza Party, which campaigned on an anti-corruption platform.
The draft also abolishes the Fiscal Council's veto power and narrows the scope of cardinal laws, arguing that this would prevent institutional blockage of the budget process.
In his video message, Magyar said the new president will be elected by parliament, likely this summer, for a term lasting until the conclusion of the constitutional drafting process, but for no more than five years. The constitutional amendment will restore the Constitutional Court's independence and return powers that were taken away under Viktor Orban's rule.
NGO Hungarian Helsinki Committee said that Tisza's proposal can be seen as ad hominem legislation. The measure could be justified in exceptional cases to restore the rule of law, provided no less restrictive option exists, and it complies with Venice Commission standards.
President Sulyok has repeatedly failed to fulfil his constitutional duties, making his removal potentially justified in the context of restoring democratic order, the NGO said, but it criticised the government for failing to provide sufficient reasoning.