Hungary’s parliament approved the 17th amendment of the Fundamental Law (Constitution) with 139 votes in favour and six against, with no abstentions, on July 13, which effectively removes President Tamas Sulyok from his post, state news agency MTI reported. Under the amendment, Sulyok's mandate will end on the day after the legislation enters into force.

Tisza MPs stood up in standing ovation after the vote.

Fidesz boycotted the session, and its politicians, including former prime minister Viktor Orban, called legislation an "unprecedented attack on democracy". Faction leader Gergely Gulyas stepped down from his post just hours earlier, saying provisions of the amendment would exclude him from running in the next election.

Ahead of parliament's vote on the amendment, Magyar claimed Fidesz had instructed Sulyok not to sign the legislation and instead refer it to the Constitutional Court to delay or prevent it from taking effect, calling it a constitutional coup. He alleged that both the presidency and the Constitutional Court remain under Fidesz's influence despite the party's loss of power.

Magyar warned that if Sulyok refused to promulgate the amendment within five days, as required by law, the government would launch impeachment proceedings.

Under Hungary's constitution, the parliament speaker, Agnes Forsthoffer, would temporarily assume the president's duties, including signing the legislation into law.

In his opening speech, Magyar accused the president of consistently acting in Fidesz's interests rather than upholding constitutional principles. He remained silent when the Fidesz-led government restricted the right to assembly, or when Hungary withdrew from the International Criminal Court, Magyar said. Sulyok did not raise his concerns after investigative reports revealed that security services targeted Tisza in opposition, according to Magyar.

In his reaction, Sulyok said the prime minister's remarks were "obviously aimed at manipulating the public" as well as at "exerting pressure” on the president’s autonomous decision to refer the legislation for constitutional review.

Fidesz also rejected Magyar’s claims. Gulyas said the government’s legislative overhaul was unconstitutional and aimed to eliminate political opponents.

The constitutional overhaul is central to Magyar's pledge to roll back the institutional legacy of Orban's 16-year rule. The former Fidesz insider argues that many key bodies remain under the influence of Orban's allies despite Fidesz's election defeat.

More than 3.4mn voters backed what he calls a regime change in April, meaning officials tied to the previous government should step aside. Tisza officials have warned that Orban-aligned officeholders with long, protected mandates could obstruct the new government's reform agenda.

The legislative package also introduces term limits for the prime minister to two four-year terms, effectively blocking Orban's return to power. The maximum mandate of MPs would be cut from 12 to eight years, which, according to Fidesz, would exclude two-thirds of its lawmakers from running in future elections and bar half of the Our Homeland parliamentary group members.

The Constitutional change also sets a nine-year mandate for Constitutional Court judges, down from 12 years at present,  while the heads of the Curia and the National Judicial Office would serve six-year terms instead of nine, without the possibility of reappointment.

The legislation also introduces a 70-year age limit for judges in the Constitutional Court, which would lead to the departure of Constitutional Court judge and former chief prosecutor Peter Polt, a long-time Orban ally. Polt, a former Fidesz MP, is widely accused of sabotaging investigations involving figures close to Fidesz.

Hungarian civil rights organisations have also criticised the constitutional amendment. Amnesty International Hungary said Sulyok had become unfit for office, but argued that impeachment would have been the proper and fair constitutional mechanism for his removal, rather than terminating his mandate through an immediate constitutional amendment.

NGO TASZ criticised the proposed 12-year term limit for MPs, arguing that the issue was not so urgent as to justify adopting it through an accelerated constitutional amendment process.

The legislation also establishes a National Asset Recovery and Protection Authority, tasked with reclaiming state assets allegedly diverted under the previous system to cronies. The establishment of the body was a key election promise of the Tisza Party, which campaigned on an anti-corruption platform. 

Ahead of the vote, Fidesz and its junior coalition partner KDNP described the 17th amendment to the Fundamental Law as a "black day for democracy".

KDNP faction leader Bence Retvari said the removal of the president from office "with a one-sentence Fundamental Law amendment" was unprecedented in Europe. Magyar's actions sent a message to the country's highest office that "it can be removed from office with a single sentence at any time", he added. It was impossible to enter the chamber that day and pretend it was just another day in parliament.

Orban, who, according to local press reports, has left Hungary for the US for the World Cup, posted a black-and-white image of Magyar with the caption: "Hungarian democracy: 1990-2026".

The events unfolding on July 13 may have marked the end of Viktor Orban's political aura more than the end of Hungarian democracy, writes political analyst Gabor Torok. If a political leader claims democracy is in danger, he can’t just leave his country for a World Cup game without hurting his credibility

Political analyst Szabolcs Dull said Gulyas's resignation signals deep rifts within Fidesz. He reportedly urged faction members to return their mandates in protest against the constitutional amendment, but fellow MPs rejected the proposal. If that account is accurate, his resignation may have been a reaction to losing the internal debate, he writes.

After the vote, Magyar told reporters that the government is seeking a consensus candidate for the office who embodies national unity. The new president will be elected under existing rules, meaning parliament will choose an interim president for up to five years.

He said the ongoing constitutional overhaul will determine future presidential elections, adding that he personally favoured a direct election. Hungary’s heads of state have been elected indirectly by Parliament since the regime change. Tisza’s parliamentary group has not yet discussed any potential presidential candidates, Magyar added.