Romanian President Nicușor Dan, in a broadcast press conference on June 4, nominated presidential adviser and MEP Eugen Tomac for the position of prime minister, arguing that political parties represented in Parliament had failed to agree on a governing majority and a candidate capable of forming a cabinet nearly one month after the fall of the previous government.

“The only possible solution is a prime minister who is independent of the parties in Parliament,” Dan said, calling on the country’s “pro-Western parties” to support a government focused on “the common good of the citizens of Romania”.

The nomination comes after weeks of tensions within the former four-party governing coalition, the withdrawal of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) from government and growing parliamentary deadlock. President Dan did not publicly assess the developments that led to the impasse, instead focusing on the need to restore executive authority and ensure the functioning of state institutions.

Tomac, leader of the extra-parliamentary Popular Movement Party (PMP), announced that he would suspend himself from the party’s leadership and seek parliamentary approval for a cabinet composed of specialists rather than politicians.

“Political preoccupation is legitimate in a democratic state, but this is why I will come up in Parliament with a team of specialists, a technical government — not a political one,” Tomac said.

Several potential ministers have already been discussed in the Romanian media. For the key Finance Ministry portfolio, the names reportedly under consideration include Bogdan Drăgoi, a former finance minister with extensive capital market experience, central bank expert Şerban Matei, who is reportedly preferred by PSD, and economist Bogdan Glăvan, considered closer to liberal circles. Another option reportedly favoured by President Dan is Alexandru Nazare, a former finance minister who no longer belongs to the Liberal Party but whose political background may complicate efforts to present the cabinet as strictly technocratic.

Luca Niculescu, currently coordinating Romania’s accession process to the OECD, is reportedly being considered for foreign minister. Former defence minister Mihnea Motoc is a candidate for the Defence Ministry, while presidential adviser Sorin Costreie is proposed for the education minister. Architect Şerban Ţigănaş is being considered for the Development Ministry, and presidential adviser Radu Burnete for the position of deputy prime minister. Cardiologist Ştefan Sebastian Busnatu is among the names mentioned for the Health Ministry.

The success of the initiative depends primarily on whether Parliament is willing to support an independent prime minister and a non-political cabinet. While some of the proposed names appear designed to minimise resistance from the major parties, parliamentary approval remains uncertain. The Liberal Party (PNL), reformist USR and the Hungarian party UDMR have previously expressed reservations about a technocratic government (but announced their readiness to talk with Tomac immediately after his designation), while PSD has not formally committed to supporting such a formula and expressed several requirements linked to social protection and support for small enterprises after Tomac's nomination.

Even if Tomac secures a confidence vote, political observers expect a technocratic cabinet to have limited room for independent action. Without a stable parliamentary majority, the government would likely depend on ad hoc support from parties pursuing different political objectives. This could shift much of the effective executive influence back to Parliament, with major decisions requiring constant political negotiation.

Such a scenario would also increase the importance of President Dan’s role. Having argued that a parliamentary majority exists among pro-European parties on key strategic issues, the president would likely be expected to facilitate political agreements on a case-by-case basis. The arrangement would represent an unusual distribution of power, with the presidency playing a more active coordinating role while the government focuses on administration.

The immediate challenge would be the implementation of Romania’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan (PNRR). Parliament has only around two weeks left in its current session to approve dozens of legislative measures linked to the programme. Among the most contentious is the new public sector wage law, a reform required under Romania’s commitments to the EU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility and associated with approximately €770mn in funding. The draft has already triggered large protests among healthcare workers and opposition from several other categories of public sector employees.

Beyond the PNRR agenda, the next major test would be the preparation of the 2027 budget and the continuation of fiscal consolidation efforts demanded by the European Commission. In the absence of a stable governing coalition, the ability of any technocratic cabinet to advance reforms would depend largely on the willingness of parliamentary parties to cooperate and on President Dan’s capacity to build support for individual policy initiatives.