For the past five-plus years, they had been known as the “two friends” who ran Kyrgyzstan. Then, on February 10, they were friends no more. With ruthless efficiency, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov took out his erstwhile sidekick, state security service chief Kamchybek Tashiyev, and proceeded to purge the security apparatus of many suspected Tashiev allies.

The move against Tashiev occurred when he was out of the country, receiving medical treatment for an unspecified illness in Germany. In moving quickly to place his own imprint on the security service, known by its Russian acronym GKNB, Japarov now seems firmly in control of Kyrgyz politics. 

But given Kyrgyzstan’s history of political turbulence in the 21st century, driven in part by deep divisions between northern and southern political factions, there is concern the unbalancing of Kyrgyz politics created by Japarov’s ouster of Tashiyev may have unanticipated outcomes.

Japarov inferred the purge was a preemptive strike, implying that his second-in-command’s supporters were mobilising against him.

“Above all, I made this decision in the interest of our government and to prevent division in society,” Japarov said in a brief statement through his press secretary following Tashiev’s ouster.

Tashiyev, a 57-year-old ex-boxer, has a reputation as a hardline nationalist who employs a bare-knuckled approach to politics. His power base is in southern Kyrgyzstan. Since coming to power alongside Japarov in 2020, he had accumulated vast power and prominence from his perch atop the GKNB, even as he did much to strengthen the hold of Japarov, a northerner, on the presidency.

“The question of how long this tandem would last always hung around,” said Medet Tiulegenov, a Bishkek-based political scientist. “Tashiyev has always been a politician and remains a politician, not simply a government functionary, even a high-level one, and it was evident from his actions that he was going beyond bounds of his remit.”

While Japarov promoted one of Tashiyev’s deputies as new head of the GKNB, he cleared three others out of their posts and split the customs service and elite personal protection unit off from the security agency. He pledged further reforms are coming.

The purge was not limited to the security service. On February 12, Parliament Speaker Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu, a southerner close to Tashiyev, was swept aside too, resigning under pressure. Deputies quickly elected Marlen Mamataliev, a northerner who has strongly supported Japarov, in his place. Turgunbek uulu remains a deputy.

The ball now appears to be in Tashiyev’s court. The day after Japarov’s surprise announcement, Tashiyev and his allies appealed for calm and appeared to submit to the decision.

“No matter how the circumstances develop, we are obliged to carry out the president’s decision,” Tashiyev said in a letter posted online by Otkirbek Rakhmanov, the general director of the Region television channel who is close to Tashiyev. “I served the state, the people and the president honestly and loyally – and I’m proud of that.”

In the early morning hours of February 13, Tashiyev flew back to Bishkek from Germany and left the airport in his own motorcade, according to footage aired by Region.

A contributing factor in Japarov’s move against Tashiyev appears to have been an open letter signed by 75 politicians, lawyers and activists published February 9 calling for early presidential elections. The letter argued that the length of Japarov’s term is unclear because he was elected under the previous constitution, which had a longer term, Kyrgyz outlet Kaktus reported. The election is currently scheduled for next January.

Japarov clearly saw the letter as an opening salvo in an effort by pro-Tashiyev forces to gain the presidency. Observers of Kyrgyz politics had long believed that below the veneer of friendship, Tashiyev harboured ambitions for the top job. 

Tashiyev supporters in parliament began asking whether their colleagues “will be on our side or the other … our side is [Tashiyev’s],” Japarov said in an interview with Kabar, the state news agency published February 13. 

Japarov went on to say in the interview that there was further evidence Tashiyev supporters were trying to “divide society.” Authorities arrested five of the letter’s signers in the days following Tashiyev’s ouster and charged them with calls for mass disorder.

“I was actually protecting my friend with this quick decision,” Japarov said, walking a fine line to accuse Tashiyev’s supporters but not Tashiyev himself. “Stability in the government comes first for me.”

Despite his initial conciliatory approach, public attention is now focused on how Tashiyev will respond, specifically whether he will declare himself a candidate in the 2027 presidential election.

The news of Tashiyev’s ouster clearly has Kyrgyzstan’s neighbours concerned about a fresh bout of political turmoil that could disrupt major multilateral infrastructure projects, including the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan (CKU) railway. On the night of February 10, hours after Tashiyev got the sack, Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev reportedly initiated a call to Japarov that reinforced the importance of preventing any disruption to the construction of the railway and the Kambarata-1 hydropower project.

In December 2024, Tashiyev told reporters he would “not be on the ballot in 2027” and would support Japarov, who “has the right to be on the ballot twice at a minimum.” 

“Many have tried and are trying to drive us apart, to divide us, so they can achieve their goals. But I’d say that’s impossible,” Tashiyev said in a documentary about Japarov that came out last month. “Only death can divide us.”

Now many wonder whether what seemed like a blood oath of loyalty will now turn into a blood feud.

Japarov and Tashiyev had been allies for more than 15 years. Both started in politics as supporters of the country’s second president Kurmanbek Bakiyev and became close collaborators as nationalist opposition activists in the 2010s. Japarov was an MP from Tashiev’s Ata-Jurt Party. The pair were prosecuted together after scaling the fence around parliament and rushing the building during a 2012 rally.

Tashiev remains, for now, president of the Kyrgyz Football Union.

This article first appeared on Eurasianet here.

Alexander Thompson is a journalist based in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, reporting on current events across Central Asia. He previously worked for American newspapers, including the Charleston, S.C., Post and Courier and The Boston Globe.